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Minneapolis

Minneapolis



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Minneapolis sa nachádza na Mississippi v blízkosti ústia rieky Minnesota. Jeho názov dostal dakotské siouxské slovo „minne“ (voda) a grécke „polis“ (mesto). Ako sa pestovanie pšenice v tejto oblasti zvyšovalo, Minneapolis sa stalo najväčším mestom v Minnesote.

V 19. storočí sa Minneapolis stal domovom stále väčšieho počtu európskych prisťahovalcov. V roku 1890 sa v Európe narodilo viac ako 61 000 ľudí, ktorí žili v meste. To bolo 37 percent zo 165 000 obyvateľov a zahŕňalo veľký počet zo Švédska (19 000), Nórska (13 000) a Nemecka (8 000).

Minneapolis je obchodné a priemyselné centrum v Minnesote a v roku 1990 tu žilo viac ako 368 000 ľudí. Vyrába predovšetkým elektronické zariadenia, stroje, kovové kovy, chemikálie a textil.


História Minneapolis

    Hope Landin, americká herečka (I remember Mama, Sugarfoot), narodená v Minneapolis, Minnesota († 1973) Edith Day, americká herečka (A Romance of the Air), narodená v Minneapolis, Minnesota († 1971) Herbert Elwell, skladateľ (Šťastný pokrytec), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Gilbert & „Gil“ quot Lamb, americký herec (Hit Parade 1947, Jazdenie na koni), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1995) Antal Doráti, maďarsko-americký dirigent (Minneapolis Symphony, 1949-1960 National Symphony, 1970-77) a skladateľ, narodený v Budapešti, Maďarsko († 1988) Lew Ayres, americký herec (Na západnom fronte je ticho, prázdniny, doktor Kildare), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1996) Michael „Mike“ Todd [Avrom Goldbogen], americký producent (Cesta okolo sveta za 80 dní) a 3. manžel Elizabeth Taylorovej, narodenej v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1958) Virginia Bruce, americká herečka (akcia v Arábii), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1982) Sid Gillman, Pro & amp College Football Hall of Fame end (Ohio State U) a druhý tréner (Cincinnati, LA Rams, Houston Oilers), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota (r. 2003) Frederick R. Weisman, filantrop, narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1994) Harry Levin, americký literárny vedec, narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1994) Nelson Olmsted [alebo Olmstead], americký hlasový herec (Sleep No More ), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1992) Cy Walter, americký jazzový pianista (Three's Company), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1968) Maxene Andrews, americký spevák (Andrew Sisters - & „Boogie Woogie Bugle Boy & quot), narodený v r. Minneapolis, Minnesota († 1995) Bud Wilkinson, tréner amerického univerzitného futbalu (Oklahoma), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1994) William Fairbank, fyzik (supravodivosť), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Patty Berg, americký golfista (15 major tituly, US Open 1946), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 2006) Patty Andrews, americká speváčka (Andrews Sisters), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 2013) Orville Freeman, (Sen-D-Mn)/sek. Agriculture (1961-1969), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota, Louis Barron, americký skladateľ (elektr. c hudba), narodený v Minneapolis, Minnesota (r. 1989) Ralph Meeker [Rathgeber], americký herec (pán Roberts, Anderson Tapes, Night Stalker), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 1988) Noel Neill, americká herečka (Adventures of Superman), narodená v Minneapolis, Minnesota (r. 2016) William H. Stewart, 10. americký generálny chirurg (1965-69), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 2008) Clark MacGregor, americký republikánsky politik (zapojený do Watergate), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 2003)

Charles M. Schulz

1922-11-26 Charles M. Schulz, americký karikaturista (Peanuts), narodený v Minneapolis, Minnesota († 2000)

    George Roy Hill, americký filmový režisér (Slap Shot, Little Drummer Girl, Little Romance), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota James Arness, americký herec (Gunsmoke, How the West was Won), narodený v Minneapolis, Minnesota († 2011) Arlene Dahl, americká herečka a televízna účastníčka (Ambush), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Peter Graves [Aurness], americký herec (Mission Impossible, Airplane !, Stalag 17), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 2010) Robert M. Pirsig, Americká autorka (Zen a umenie údržby motocyklov), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 2017) Ann Morgan Guilbert, americká herečka (The Dick Van Dyke Show), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 2016) Jeanne Cooper, americká herečka (Kay-The Young & amp Restless), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota († 2013) James Hong, americko-čínsky herec (The New Adventures of Charlie Chan), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Steve Hamilton, americký bejzbalový nadhadzovač (New York) Yankees) a basketbalový útočník (Minneapolis Lakers), narodený v Columbii, Kentuck y (d. 1997) Ed Flanders, americký herec (Dr Westphall-St jinde), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Bob Kiley, americký špecialista na verejnú dopravu, narodený v Minneapolise († 2016) Joan Staley, americká herečka a spoluhráčka z Playboy (november 1958), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Terry Gilliam, autor komédií-animátor (Monty Python), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Bridget Hanley, americká herečka (Here Come the Brides), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Alf Clausen, americký vedúci orchestra a filmová a televízna partitúra skladateľ (Donny & amp Marie The Simpsons ALF), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota, Jerilyn Britz, americká golfistka (US Women Open 1979), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Daniel Chorzempa, americká organistka, narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Linda Kelsey, americká herečka (Billie -Lou Grant, Kate, deň za dňom), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Dorothy Lyman, americká herečka (All my Children, Naomi-Mama's Family), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Bernie Leadon, americký gitarista, mandolinista, banjo playe r a spevák (Flying Burrito Brothers Eagles, 1971-75 a 2013-16-„Take It Easy“), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Robert Cabana, americký astronaut (STS 41, 53, 68, sk: 88), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Richard Dean Anderson, americký herec (MacGyver, Emerald Pt NAS), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Harvey Jacob Alperin, herec (koktail), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Tony Papenfuss, americký herec (Daryl-Newhart), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesote Freddy Moore, americký rockový hudobník a skladateľ, narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Julia Duffy [Julia Margaret Hinds], americká herečka (Newhart, Baby Talk), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Jesse Ventura [James Janos], americký profesionálny zápasník, herec a politik (Guvernér Minnesoty 1999-2003), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Carl Lumbly, americký herec (Cagney & amp Lacey, Alias), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Roberta Leighton, herečka (Zázvorové dni našich životov), ​​narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Alexander O'Neal, rocker (James Hearsky Harris III), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota John James, americký herec (Jeff Colby-Dynasty), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota David Carr, americký novinár (New York Times), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota (r. 2015) Mark Tymchyshyn, americký herec (Gavin-As The World Turns), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Morris Day, americký spevák (The Time), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota

Princ Rogers Nelson

1958-06-07 Prince [Rogers Nelson], americký funk, rock, R & ampB spevák a skladateľ a hudobník (& quot1999 & quot; Purple Rain & quot;), narodený v Minneapolis, Minnesota ( * 2016)

    Trace Beaulieu, americký herec (Mystery Science Theatre 3000), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Scott Thompson Baker, herec (Gen Hosp, All My Children), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Mike Ramsey, americký hokejový obranca (olympijské zlato 1980 NHL All- Star 1982-83, 85-86), narodená v Minneapolise v Minnesote Mike Leach, tréner amerického univerzitného futbalu (Washingtonská štátna univerzita), narodená v Susanville v Kalifornii Molly Hagan, americká herečka (Code of Silence), narodená v Minneapolis, Minnesota James LeGros, americký herec (Point Break, Nepriateľ štátu), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Jody Rosenthal, americký golfista (du Maurier Classic 1987), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Robert Seguso, americký tenista (4 x štvorhra mužov, hlavné olympijské tituly zlatá mužská štvorhra 1988), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Jerry Lynn, americký profesionálny zápasník, narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Karl Mueller, americký basista (Soul Asylum - & „Running Train & quot), narodený v Minneapolise († 2005) Dave Pirner , Americký rocker (Soul Asylum), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Mo Collins, americká herečka, narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Bob Kempainen, americká maratónka (olympiáda 1996), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Gordy Morganová, grécko-rímsky zápasník 163 libier (olympiáda) 1996), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Kimberly Elise, americká herečka (Milovaná), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota William & „Bill & quot Carlucci, americká veslárka (olympijský bronz 1996), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Tami Lyn Jameson, americká tímová hádzanárska brankárka (olympiáda 1992) , 96), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Toni Lee Jameson, americký tímový kurt hádzanej (olympiáda 1996), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Jay Underwood, americký herec (Chlapec, ktorý mohol lietať), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesote David Wheaton, tenis hviezda (1987 USA junior chlapci), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Kathi Wolfgram, americký rocker (Jets-You Got it All), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Sean Briscombe, potápač (olympiáda 1996), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota

Vince Vaughn

1970-03-28 Vince Vaughn, americký herec (Swingers, Wedding Crashers), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota

    Melissa Peterman [Melissa Margaret], americká herečka (Reba, Fargo), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Briana Scurry, americká futbalová brankárka (olympiáda 1996), narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Joe Dziedzic, ľavé krídlo NHL (Pitts Penguins), narodená v Minneapolise , Minnesota Nick Swardson, americký komik a herec (Reno 911!), Narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Devean George, americký basketbalový hráč, narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Nicole, Erica a Jaclyn Dahm, americká trojčlenná modelka Playboy, narodená v Minneapolise, Minnesota Vincent Kartheiser, americký herec (Mad Men), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota John Warne, americký kresťanský rockový basgitarista (Relient K, 2004-13 Ace Troubleshooter, 1995-2005), narodený v Minneapolise, Minnesota Erik Westrum, americký hokejový hráč , narodený v Minneapolis, Minnesota
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Mapovanie predsudkov: Bolestivá časť histórie Minneapolisu

Projekt mapovania predsudkov Univerzity v Minnesote v posledných dňoch získal nový význam, pretože poskytuje základ pre pochopenie histórie rasizmu v partnerských mestách a jeho sociálnych a ekonomických účinkov.

Projekt odhalil, zdokumentoval a zmapoval systematické používanie listín o majetku na presadzovanie rasovej segregácie v oblasti Minneapolis. Riaditeľka projektu U of M Libraries Mapping Prejudice Kirsten Delegard spolu so spoluzakladateľmi Kevinom Ehrmanom-Solbergom, Ryanom Mattkeom a Penny Petersenovou sa rozhodli vyvinúť interaktívnu mapu, ktorá má pomôcť verejnosti vizualizovať šírenie rasových zmlúv v rôznych štvrtiach Minneapolisu. časom.

Mapovanie predsudkov nadväzuje na rastúci záujem komunity o konfrontáciu s bolestivými dedičstvami rasizmu. Po smrti Georga Floyda dnes verejnosť viac ako kedykoľvek predtým hľadá odpovede na cestu k spravodlivejšej budúcnosti. Projekt bol v posledných dňoch citovaný v mnohých novinkách, vrátane článkov v Čas časopis, Washington Post, Kremeňa ďalšie publikácie.

„Minneapolis má jedny z najvyšších rasových rozdielov v krajine,“ hovorí Delegard o pôvode projektu. "Zaujal ma pohľad do minulosti, aby som pochopil, ako sme sa na to miesto dostali."

Keď Delegard začala hľadať dôkazy o rasových rozdieloch v histórii Minneapolisu, našla v majetkových záznamoch okresu Hennepin súbor dokumentov, ktoré vytvorili systém rasovej segregácie od začiatku 20. storočia. Tieto dokumenty boli listinami o bývaní, ktoré zahŕňali rasové zmluvy - doložka obmedzujúca predaj určitých domov a pozemkov na základe rasy človeka.

Napriek tomu, že rasové zmluvy sú od zákona o spravodlivom bývaní z roku 1968 nezákonné, rasistický jazyk je v mnohých skutkoch týkajúcich sa bývania prítomný aj dnes. Také zmluvy neboli v Minneapolise jedinečné, hovorí Delegard. Boli použité v každej americkej a kanadskej komunite.

Delegard hovorí, že tieto praktiky zakotvili nerovnosť v zákone a vytvorili nerovnaké príležitosti, ktoré mali dôsledky presahujúce obdobie, keď boli vymáhané zmluvy. Po celé desaťročia boli čiernym občanom v Minneapolise systematicky upierané rovnaké práva na vlastníctvo domov - jeden z najdôležitejších spôsobov budovania bohatstva v Amerike.

Projekt zistil, že Minneapolis nebol zvlášť segregovaný pred rokom 1910. Potom došlo k náhlemu veľkému posunu k segregovaným štvrtiam v dôsledku rasových dohôd.

Minneapolis a St. Paul majú dodnes najnižšiu mieru vlastníctva čiernych domácností v krajine a oblasti, ktoré boli v polovici storočia pokryté zmluvami, sú stále najbelšími a najbohatšími časťami miest.

Projekt Mapovanie predsudkov získal svoje prvé legislatívne víťazstvo na jar, keď guvernér Tim Walz podpísal nový zákon, ktorý umožňuje majiteľom domov v Minnesote zmeniť svoje listiny o majetku a vzdať sa rasistického jazyka.

Mapa ako dielo verejnej histórie nie je konečným bodom. Je to zastávka na ceste - interaktívny vzdelávací nástroj, ktorý má silu podnietiť prebiehajúcu komunitnú konverzáciu a zmeniť politiku.

Pozrite si video o projekte.


So zmluvami bol rasizmus zapísaný do bývania v Minneapolise. Jazvy sú stále viditeľné.

Rasové doložky v skutkoch výslovne hovorili o tom, kto môže a nemôže kupovať. A hoci je jazyk nevymáhateľný, v knihách sa nachádza aj dnes.

Keď bola štvrť postavená prvýkrát, vývojári oblasti Nokomis v juhovýchodnom Minneapolise inzerovali úhľadné domy v dobre udržiavaných komunitách uprostred prírodných krás kopcov, stromov a jazier v tejto oblasti.

Ekonomická prosperita v 20. rokoch priniesla mestám boom v oblasti bývania a keďže nová stredná trieda vybavená v súčasnosti široko dostupnými automobilmi zvažovala kúpu domov, stopa Minneapolisu sa rozšírila na juh.

Článok pokračuje aj po inzeráte

Menej ako 10 míľ od centra mesta Minneapolis a neďaleko závodu Ford, juhovýchodný roh mesta bol pre nových kupcov domov príťažlivý. Stabilita profesionálnych pracovných miest udržala boom v oblasti bývania v oblasti prechádzajúcej Veľkou hospodárskou krízou v 30. rokoch minulého storočia a potom v oblasti po 2. svetovej vojne.

Menej zvonku viditeľné, ale aj atraktívne pre niektorých takýchto potenciálnych kupcov domov boli obmedzenia zapísané v listinách v niektorých štvrtiach v tejto oblasti, ktoré držali mimo každého, kto nebol biely. Ich jazyk hovoril otvorene napríklad: „Priestory sa nesmú predávať, zakladať na hypotéky ani prenajímať ani obsadzovať inými osobami alebo osobami ako členmi kaukazskej rasy.“

Rasová diskriminácia v činoch je v USA právne nevymáhateľná viac ako 70 rokov. Ale takýto jazyk je stále pochovaný hlboko v záznamoch o majetku mnohých štvrtí Minneapolis vyvinutých v prvej polovici 20. storočia.

Návrh zákona, ktorý sa teraz zvažuje v zákonodarnom zbore štátu, umožní majiteľom domov v Minnesote pridať k svojim skutkom jazyk a vzdať sa akýchkoľvek obmedzení vierou, vieroukou, národným pôvodom, rasou alebo farbou v nich obsiahnutých. Ale bez ohľadu na to, či sú odstránené alebo nie, práca týchto diskriminačných činov je hotová: čiary, ktoré pomohli nakresliť na začiatku 20. storočia, zanechali jazvy po rasovej a ekonomickej segregácii v mestách po celých USA - vrátane Minneapolisu -, ktoré sú viditeľné pre tento deň.

Predbežný krok

Prvé rasové obmedzenia skutkov, často nazývané rasové zmluvy, sa objavili v Minneapolise krátko po prelome 20. storočia.

Článok pokračuje aj po inzeráte

Že by sa vývojári dostali do problémov s vkladaním obmedzujúceho jazyka do činov, nebola odpoveď na rast čiernej populácie v Minneapolise, povedala Kirsten Delegardová, historička, ktorá spoluzakladala projekt Mapping Prejudice, ktorý pracuje na odhaľovaní rasových zmlúv jeden skutok za druhým. to je základ pripravovaného dokumentu PBS Twin Cities „Jim Crow of the North“.

Zatiaľ čo v mestách ako Chicago a New York sa Afroameričania začali presúvať na sever od juhu počas Veľkej migrácie, ktorá sa začala okolo roku 1916, černošská populácia v Minneapolise zostala malá až do druhej polovice 20. storočia. V roku 1910 malo afroamerické obyvateľstvo Minneapolisu asi 2 700 - menej ako 1 percento populácie mesta, povedal Delegard.

Vzhľad rasových dohôd bol skôr preemptorský a zhodoval sa s novým prístupom k mestskému životu a narastajúcim prílivom nadradenosti bielych.

Ako mestá rástli, plánovači miest, vodcovia a obyvatelia prijali v tom čase prevládajúce myšlienky, že vytváranie silných a morálnych občanov si vyžaduje zdravé prostredie.

"Jednou z myšlienok, ktoré vyplývajú z celej tejto súhry úsilia mestského plánovania, je myšlienka, že aby bolo susedstvo stabilné a zdravé, muselo byť rasovo homogénne: že rasové miešanie samo osebe vytvorilo nestabilné a nezdravé prostredie, “Povedal Delegard.

Etická príručka vydaná v roku 1924 Národnou asociáciou realitných kancelárií dokonca kodifikovala zodpovednosť realitnej kancelárie udržiavať biele štvrte biele.

Popri týchto nových myšlienkach o mestách sa v USA zintenzívnila nadradenosť bielej rasy.

D.W. Griffithov tichý film „Zrodenie národa“, ktorý oslavoval Ku Klux Klan, mal premiéru v roku 1915 v USA zaplavenom rasizmom a xenofóbiou, pretože populácia krajiny sa imigráciou rozrastala. Filmu sa často pripisuje oživenie Klan, ktorého členstvo vrcholilo v 20. rokoch minulého storočia.

Článok pokračuje aj po inzeráte

A začali sa diať incidenty. Afroamerický pár Madison Jackson, nosič Pullman a jeho manželka Amy Jackson si kúpili dom v Prospect Parku. Keď sa v roku 1909 pokúsili pomôcť svojmu priateľovi Williamovi H. Simpsonovi, ktorý bol tiež Afroameričanom, postaviť neďaleko dom, v počte viac ako sto ľudí sa podľa denníka protestovalo proti ich novým susedom na základe farby pleti. účty.

"Myslíte na zavedenie zákonov Jima Crowa," povedal Delegard s odkazom na zákony a zvyky na juhu po občianskej vojne, ktoré oddeľovali černochov od bielych. "Nie je to len na juhu, je to všade."

Zmluvy v Minneapolise

V oblasti Hennepin County zatiaľ služba Mapovanie predsudkov našla takmer 20 000 skutkov, ktoré obsahujú rasové alebo etnické obmedzenia, a očakáva, že v nasledujúcich mesiacoch ich nájde ďalších 10 000 až 15 000, pretože vedci a dobrovoľníci dokončujú prezeranie záznamov o majetku.

Väčšinu zmlúv možno nájsť v štvrtiach vyvinutých v prvej polovici dvadsiateho storočia.

Rasové zmluvy sa nenachádzajú iba v Minneapolise. Nachádzajú sa v okrese Hennepin, v St. Paul a v ďalších komunitách v okolí Minnesoty.

Keď sa však priblížime k Minneapolisu, nachádzajú sa vo vreckách na ostrovoch Longfellow a severovýchod a takmer prikrývkové riadky pokrývajúce Nokomis a juhozápadný Minneapolis.

Prečo zmluvy nepokrývajú niektoré z najvyhľadávanejších mestských štvrtí, ako je Kenwood a niektoré oblasti blízko Lake of the Isles?

Susedstvá, ktoré už boli v čase vzniku zmlúv dobre založené ako bohaté, biele enklávy, ich nepotrebovali na dosiahnutie rovnakých cieľov, povedal Delegard.

"Existovali aj iné spôsoby, ako udržať ľudí, ktorí boli považovaní za nežiaducich, mimo," povedala. Uviedla príklad, ktorý čítala o tom, kde biela rodina predávajúca domy najala detektíva, aby sa ubezpečila, že potenciálni kupujúci dodržujú štandardy okolia.

Tieto možnosti však nemali kupujúci domov sťahujúce sa do štvrte Diamond Lake v Minneapolise, ktorá bola vyvinutá od 20. do 50. rokov, k dispozícii.

Sídlo medzi Diamond Lake a Lake Nokomis - ale neďaleko južne od Old Southside, afroamerická komunita strednej triedy sústredená okolo 38. ulice a 4. Avenue - bola štvrť Diamond Lake síce príjemným miestom s veľkým vybavením, ale nebolo to všetko. drahé.

"Myslím, že to bolo veľmi aspiračné susedstvo," povedal Delegard.

Nie tak exkluzívni ako ostrovy alebo Kenwood a nie súdržní ako prevažne východoeurópsky severovýchodný Minneapolis, bieli obyvatelia Diamond Lake sa pravdepodobne obávali, že farebné rodiny so slušne plateným zamestnaním môžu nakoniec ušetriť dostatok peňazí na presťahovanie sa z Southside a ďalších. štvrtiam sa to páči a do vlastných, povedal Delegard.

Preto ich zakázali, takmer úplne od brehov Diamond Lake po Edgewater Boulevard blízko Nokomis, a od East 55th Street až po hranicu Richfieldu.

Jazyk týchto zákazov bol rôzny. Niektorí tvrdili, že los „nesmie byť nikdy prenesený, zastavený alebo prenajatý žiadnej osobe alebo osobám čínskej, japonskej, maurskej, tureckej, černošskej, mongolskej alebo africkej krvi alebo pôvodu“. Iní jednoducho zakázali Kaukazcov.

Ale zámer bol jasný a zmluvy boli úspešné pri udržiavaní štvrtí Minneapolis, ako je Diamond Lake, bielych - belších ako ostatné štvrte v meste dodnes.

Koniec vymáhania

Zmluvy boli len jednou časťou sektora bývania, ktorý systematicky diskriminoval ľudí bez farby pleti.

"Reštriktívne zmluvy boli skutočne súkromnou súčasťou oveľa väčšieho systému," povedala Valerie Schneiderová, profesorka právnickej fakulty Howard University, ktorá dohliada na kliniku spravodlivého bývania. "Tam bolo toľko väčších vládou sponzorovaných síl, ktoré skutočne tlačili segregáciu, napríklad ako a kde bolo postavené dostupné bývanie."

Federálna vláda v ére New Deal podporovala systém zmlúv a poskytovala štvrtiam s rasovými obmedzeniami najlepšie úverové hodnotenia a rôznym štvrtiam alebo tým, alebo domovom, prevažne ľuďom s farbami horšími, tento postup sa nazýva redlining (môžete sa pozrieť do svojho susedstva v Minneapolise &# Označenie 8217 o mapovaní nerovnosti).

V roku 1948 americký prípad Najvyššieho súdu Shelley v. Kraemer zrušil rasové zmluvy. Prípad sa začal, keď muž zo St. Louis žaloval černošskú rodinu, ktorá veľa kúpila a mala na sebe obmedzujúci skutok.

Missourský najvyšší súd rozhodol, že zmluva je vymáhateľná, pretože ide o dohodu medzi dvoma súkromnými osobami. Prípad bol konsolidovaný s podobným prípadom z Detroitu a vypočutý Najvyšším súdom USA.

Najvyšší súd zrušil nižšie uvedené rozhodnutie a zdôvodnil to tým, že keďže by to bolo na súde, vládnych inštitúciách, aby presadili potenciálne diskriminačnú dohodu medzi dvoma ľuďmi, zmluvy porušovali ústavu USA.

Shelley v. Kraemer učinil zmluvy nevymáhateľné, ale nerobili ich nezákonnými. Niektorí vývojári naďalej vkladali obmedzujúci jazyk do činov. Minnesota v roku 1953 zakázala uzatvárať zmluvy o domoch.

Rasové napätie a segregácia však pretrvávali, v niektorých prípadoch sa po vynesení rozsudku zhoršovali. A Minneapolis stále žije s dedičstvom rasových dohôd aj dnes. Podľa Kevina Ehrmana-Solberga, spoluzakladateľa Mapping Prejudice, sú štvrte Minneapolis s rasovými zmluvami v priemere 79 percent biele, v porovnaní s 53 percentami v meste celkovo. Stredná hodnotená hodnota domov v chránených oblastiach je 235 000 dolárov, o 10 000 dolárov viac ako mesto ako celok.

Príbeh o dvoch štvrtiach

Okolie ako Diamond Lake, ktoré bolo takmer úplne uzavreté zmluvou, je v úplnom kontraste k miestam, ktoré neboli, ako napríklad Near North, Minneapolis.

Blízko severu, ktorý sa nachádza severozápadne od centra mesta Minneapolis, jeho raná história slúžila ako Ellisov ostrov v Minneapolise, povedal Delegard. Bolo to miesto, ktoré vítalo prichádzajúcich do mesta. Mala veľkú židovskú populáciu, veľa nových Američanov a ako afroamerická populácia v Minneapolise rástla, mnohí sa presťahovali na Blízky sever.

Blízky sever mal rušné obchodné štvrte a tesné komunity a nebol obmedzovaný rasovými zmluvami. Bolo to teda jedno z miest, kde v Minneapolise bolo dovolené žiť farebným ľuďom. V roku 1925, keď zmluvy v niektorých častiach Minneapolisu získavali na sile, bol severný Minneapolis 73 percent bielej rasy narodenej v USA, 26 percent bielej rasy narodenej v zahraničí a necelých 2 percent africkej a ázijskej Američanky, uvádza sa v knihe ženskej kooperatívnej aliancie. .

Kniha charakterizovala pomery v susedstve ako poľutovaniahodné a miešanie rás uviedlo ako jednu z vlastností, ktoré jej bránili v úspechu.

Diamond Lake je zo 72 percent biele a 78 percent jeho domov obýva vlastník. Podľa údajov Census zostavených Minnesota Compass je priemerný príjem domácnosti 86 000 dolárov. Viac ako 4 % jej domácností zarobí viac ako 100 000 dolárov ročne a 53 percent dospelých nad 25 rokov má bakalársky titul alebo vyšší.

Blízky sever je oveľa rozmanitejšia populácia, 55 percent čiernych alebo afroamerických, 17 percent ázijských alebo tichomorských ostrovanov, 9 percent hispáncov alebo latino a 14 percent bielych. Priemerný príjem domácnosti je 28 000 dolárov a takmer 60 percent domácností zarobí menej ako 35 000 dolárov ročne. Menej ako štvrtina obyvateľov starších ako 25 rokov má bakalársky titul alebo vyšší.


St. Paul, Minneapolis a Minnesota a mestský pôvod

Nová mapa mestečka a železnice štátu Minnesota, [1890]. Autor: St. Paul and Sioux City Railroad Company. St. Paul and Sioux City bolo jednou z mnohých železničných tratí, ktoré prepravovali ľudí a tovar, vysádzali mestá a špekulovali na súši.

Iba cudzinci a cudzinci - a tí, ktorí menujú bejzbalové tímy - by nazývali svätého Pavla a Minneapolisu „dvojčatá“. My ostatní ich nazývame „Mestá“ a uvedomujeme si, že aj keď sedia vedľa seba a pri tej istej rieke, ťahajú sa rozhodne odlišnými smermi.

St. Paul: starší, prísnejší, susedia katolíci, Íri, Hmong Alexander Ramsey, Henry Sibley a James J. Hill Capitol sú z týchto dvoch konzervatívnejší. Minneapolis: mladší, rozľahlý, bedrový luteránsky, škandinávsky, somálsky C.C. Washburn, Charles A. Pillsbury a T.B. Walker z University of Minnesota je z týchto dvoch liberálnejší.

Súťaž medzi St. Paul a Minneapolis, ktorú hrajú ich starostovia, je niekedy vtipná a inokedy bláznivá. (Nelepšil by sa život každého občana, keby napríklad mestá prijali rovnaké pravidlá núdzovej situácie na snehu?) Sv. Pavol a Minneapolis však spoločne centrálne formovali ekonomiku, osobnosť a identitu Minnesoty. Spolu pumpujú krv a kyslík, vďaka ktorým je Minnesota srdcom regiónu, a ich vysoké budovy prerážajú tkaninu „nadjazdu“, ktorú cudzí ľudia hádžu cez Stredozápad.

Pred „Mestami“, dedinami a pevnosťou

St. Paul a Minneapolis neboli nikdy jediným mestom Minnesoty, dokonca ani jej prvým. „Minnesota“ - predtým to bola Minnesota - bola plná dedín. Ľudia z Dakoty sa už dlho zhromažďujú okolo jazera Mille Lacs. Štát bol založený na domovinách pôvodných obyvateľov, najmä Dakoty a Ojibwe, ktorí v dôsledku kolonizácie previedli milióny a milióny akrov svojej pôdy do USA. Keď sa otec Louis Hennepin ocitol v krajine, ktorú teraz, štyristo rokov neskôr, nazývame „Minnesota“, jeho partia sa stretla s pôvodnými obyvateľmi v sezónnych dedinách, v ktorých žije viac ako 200 rodín.

Prví európski osadníci-kolonisti, ktorí prišli a zostali-obchodníci s kožušinou-boli silne závislí na pôvodných obyvateľoch, ktorí im poskytovali lovcov, kožušiny a rodinné kontakty, ale obchod bol tiež silne závislý od vzdialených miest-Detroitu, Quebecu, Paríža a Londýna- pre úver, trhy, obchodné organizácie a priemyselne vyrábané tovary. Lovci a obchodníci sa stretávali v Prairie du Chien a v Grand Portage, ktoré sa každé leto stalo najväčším „mestom“ na hornom stredozápade.

Fort Snelling, postavený v Bdote (stretnutie riek Mississippi a Minnesota) v roku 1819, sa rozrástol na prosperujúce sídlisko vojakov, úradníkov a tlmočníkov, ktoré prezlieka a varí sluhov a niekoľko zotročených ľudí. Prilákalo kováčov, učiteľov, lekárov, pašerákov, misionárov, sexuálne pracovníčky a vešiaky všetkého druhu. Keď Henry Sibley prišiel v roku 1834 ako agent Americkej kožušinovej spoločnosti, usadil sa na „predmestí“ v Mendote. Keď armáda vytlačila Pierra (Ošípané oko) Parranta z obežnej dráhy pevnosti, jeho krčma a kaplnka svätého Pavla otca Luciena Galtiera v blízkosti sa stali jadrom ďalšieho „predmestia“ - neskoršej doby nazývanej svätý Pavol.

Parníky v St. Paul

V každom ročnom období od roku 1823 robili parníky zázrak cestovania proti prúdu rieky do Fort Snelling. V ich začiatkoch tieto lode dodávali obchodný tovar, vojakov a ich rodiny, misionárov a poštu, z ktorej odnášali kožušiny. Séria federálnych vládnych zmlúv medzi 20. a 50. rokmi 19. storočia si nárokovala nárok na územie Dakoty, Ojibwe a Ho-Chunku a najmä po roku 1837 otvorila cestu osadníkom-kolonistom. Podnikatelia a špekulanti z Yankee sa dostali do rieky St. Croix do Marine Mills (teraz Marine na St. Croix) do roku 1839 a do Stillwater do roku 1848 cestovali po rieke St. Peter (dnes Minnesota) do St. Peter do roku 1853. Niektorí sa tiež usadili v Taylors Falls, medzistanici na vládnej ceste, ktorá sa buduje medzi Fort Snelling a Duluth. Títo ľudia potrebovali - a kupovali od obchodníkov v novom Svätom Pavle - všetko od klincov a látky, cez klavíry a kľučky od dverí. St. Paul sa stal vstupným bodom, obchodným centrom a v roku 1849 Štátnym kapitolom.

Európska populácia svätého Pavla sa v rokoch 1849 až 1860 zvýšila o 1 000 percent. Ešte väčší počet ľudí jednoducho prešiel cez svätého Pavla, zastavil sa len dostatočne dlho, aby sa vyzbrojil, a potom, ako keby z neho strieľali z dela, korenili novo získané krajiny. Mnoho z týchto novo prichádzajúcich sa usadilo na farmách, ale skupiny podobne zmýšľajúcich snílkov založili kolónie v New Ulme, Northfielde a Hutchinsone. Špekulanti a stavitelia miest vrátane právnikov, lekárov, skladníkov a pivovarníkov pristáli v St. Cloud, Albert Lea, St. Anthony a v desiatkach ďalších nových miest.

Minneapolis: Mlynárska ríša

Rieka Mississippi, ktorá preteká po celej šírke sv. Pavla, hrmí nad jediným významným vodopádom, St. Anthony Falls, o niečo ďalej proti prúdu rieky. Vojaci už dlho cestovali k vodopádom St. Anthony Falls, aby tam mleli drevo a drevo. V štyridsiatych rokoch 19. storočia založili hazardní hráči s vyššími vkladmi mesto St. Anthony na východnej strane vodopádov a stavili svoju budúcnosť na túto vriacu vodu. Potom niektorí skočili na západnú stranu vodopádov a postavili mlyny, domy, kostoly a podniky na mieste, ktoré bolo do roku 1854 oficiálne známe ako Minneapolis.

Mestá St. Anthony a Minneapolis, ktoré sa v roku 1872 spojili a stali sa mestom Minneapolis, stáli od 50. rokov minulého storočia do 20. rokov 20. storočia ako mlynárske centrá regiónu a hlavné mesto mlynárstva na svete. Ako prvé vyrástli píly a potom mlyny-predovšetkým Minneapolis, Washburn, Pillsbury a Washburn-Crosby. Mlyny zamestnávali tisíce ľudí, väčšinou mužov. Drevorubačov a malých i veľkých farmárov zamestnávali celé desaťročia. Splodili výrobu všetkého od šindľov a sudov až po vrecia s múkou a palety a podporili dramatický nárast populácie: Minneapolis explodoval z 13 000 ľudí v roku 1870 na 165 000 ľudí v roku 1890.

Obchod prináša bohatstvo a rast

Activity around St. Anthony Falls also fostered and sustained an infrastructure of commercial banks, national and international law firms, the Minneapolis Grain Exchange (1881), the Minneapolis Lumber Exchange (1885), the 9th District Federal Reserve Bank (1914), roads and railroads, and eventually, interstate highways and an international airport. In short, since the 1870s, Minneapolis and St. Paul have served as the industrial, commercial, financial, legal, and trading centers of the Upper Midwest, with a powerful presence and effect nationally and internationally. Twenty Fortune 500 companies are now headquartered in and around The Cities, including United Health, Target, Best Buy, Supervalu, and 3M, all of which are in the top 100.

These businesses and others have generated enormous wealth that's concentrated in Minneapolis and St. Paul and their surrounding suburbs. The Cities' wealth has, in turn, created a rich set of what economists call positive externalities: restaurants, art galleries, libraries, parks, museums, the American Craft Council, the Guthrie Theater, the Mall of America, the St. Paul Chamber Orchestra, the Minnesota Orchestra, the Ordway and Orpheum theaters, the Minnesota Timberwolves, and the Minnesota Wild.

Today, about 59 percent of the state's population lives in Minneapolis, St. Paul, and the eighteen other cities that make up the metropolitan area. That urban population continues to swell from a combination of migrants from inside and outside the state. The Cities have long been magnets for farm and small town people, young people, LGBTQIA people, and artists—anyone looking for economic opportunity, anonymity, novelty, or more diversity.

'Going to The Cities'

Since the 1850s, rural Minnesotans have visited Minneapolis and St. Paul to sell cattle, stock up on supplies, visit the State Fair, see relatives and friends, or catch a sporting event. Elements of what urban life has to offer are available via satellite or television and online (think Zappos and Netflix), but cities still offer something less tangible that attracts—or repels—outsiders. The Winona Republican (1895) worried about the "feverish excitement" of city life and the Minneapolis Morning Tribune (1883) decried the dangers of the city's "perpetual and abnormal excitement." One rural Minnesota man became ten again when remembering his first solo trip from the farm to St. Paul. His memories of the Foshay Tower, the street car bell, and the ice cream at Bridgeman's still thrill him, even sixty years later. Likewise, a much younger man recalls with excitement his visits to show lambs at the State Fair. And another rural woman remembers how she relished the smell of the city that she brought home on her clothes. This excitement—the sweet or threatening promise that anything can happen—is also part of how cities and towns shape the state.

They Call It 'Out State'

Minnesotans sometimes stumble when talking about the part of the state that is not "The Cities." Is it "Out State"? Or "Greater Minnesota"? Neither captures the importance of the hundreds of smaller cities and towns that make up Minnesota beyond Minneapolis and St. Paul, nor the essence of the engaged, interesting people who live there.

Minnesota's third- and fourth-largest cities—Rochester with its Mayo Clinic and Duluth with its aerial lift bridge and international port—contribute mightily to Minnesotans' sense of the state's specialness. The cities of St. Cloud, Albert Lea, Hibbing, Fergus Falls, and Moorhead serve as regional hubs, providing shopping, medical care, social services, golf courses, and colleges, not to mention jobs. If Sioux Falls, South Dakota, were twenty-five miles east, it would be Minnesota's third-largest city. Even now, it offers the most convenient shopping, entertainment, hospitals, and airport for southwestern Minnesotans.

National chains dot the streets of these cities, as do longtime family-owned businesses: Brandl Motors in Little Falls, for example, and Bernick's Beverages in St. Cloud. "Out-state" cities boast national and international companies, arts activities, and special attractions, as well: Marshall has its Schwan Food Company and Austin its Hormel Foods Rochester has IBM Hibbing has its Greyhound Bus Museum and mining tours, and Red Wing has antiques.

In addition to "The Cities" and Minnesota's other cities, the state has a blanket of very small towns—about 850 of them under 1,000 people, according to the Minnesota Council of Cities—that are threatened by urbanization and depopulation but are central to "out-state" life. Many of these began as railroad towns, where farm people traditionally sold and shipped goods, bought what they couldn't raise, and socialized.

Two such towns—Raymond (population 765) and Clara City (population 1292)—have grown out to meet Minnesota Highway 23 and today offer a wider variety of services than some might suspect: haircut, manicure, truck wash, weekly paper, post office, city offices, police and fire, library branches, churches, nursing and funeral homes, schools, cafés, banks, and a few groceries. Raymond even boasts a Harley-Davidson dealer, and Clara City has Wholly Grounds, which offers a great cappuccino and its own Internet service provider. The Prinsburg Farmers Co-op, with branches in both Raymond and Clara City, supplies seed, fertilizer, and such, buys grain, dries and stores corn, and provides a cell phone tower on the elevator. Many of the people who live in these towns are retired farmers. Most know each others' names.

Four Types of Towns

Minnesota's towns fall into four major categories: river, railroad (now highway), lake, and mining. Each has a different layout, character, and function.

Like Minneapolis and St. Paul, Red Wing, Wabasha, Winona, and other river towns in Minnesota grew up hugging their spot on the river, the main street running parallel with the water, bending where the river bends. They are set amid a landscape of bluffs and valleys, and operate mostly as commercial and trade centers.

Railroad towns, by contrast, sit on the flattest land nineteenth century railroad engineers could find they are market towns anchored by a grain elevator and train depot on a main street that is straight and concentrated along one side of the tracks. Now, they're reorienting their face toward the highways.

Lake towns face the water and grow around its shores. They are not all tourist towns but their businesses anticipate seasonal cycles and look beyond their year-round residents for survival. And Mining towns have a character all their own—more industrial, of course, and more subject to economic boom and bust cycles. Their wealth doesn't stay in town, and the wealthy live away.

Minnesotans: Tied to Everywhere

St. Paul has pushed the state's development in one way, Minneapolis in another. The state's network of smaller cities and towns has pushed it in yet another. Together, however, they serve as reminders of Minnesota's urban origins and the continuing centrality of cities and towns to the state identity.

Minnesota was founded on the homelands of Indigenous people, notably the Dakota and Ojibwe, who continue to influence the growth and future of the state. Communities across the state grew because of the hard work of laborers and visionaries, railroad workers and seamstresses, draymen and steamboat captains. Being in the Midwestern US, some would argue Minnesota is in the middle of nowhere, but our cities and towns tie us to everywhere.


Building History, Facts & Photos

Minneapolis and Hennepin County founders had a grand vision for their city when construction of the City Hall and Courthouse began in the 1887. Just a decade before it had become readily apparent that the existing -- and geographically separate -- city hall and county courthouse buildings had increasingly inadequate space for serving the needs of a rapidly growing frontier town. Finally, with much deliberation, a decision was made to join the two entities under one roof with the guidance of a committee comprised of both City Council members and County Commissioners .

The City Hall and Courthouse was built between 1887 and 1906 on the site of the first public schoolhouse west of the Mississippi River . Designed by Long and Keys Architects in the Richardsonian Romanesque style, the building boasts a five-story Rotunda, stained glass windows designed and created by Ford Brothers Glass Company, a clock tower that rivals Big Ben, and the Father of Waters statue carved of marble from the Carrara quarries used by Leonardo da Vinci and Michelangelo.

The County ceremoniously moved in November 11, 1895 and the City followed on December 15, 1902. A 1904 Minnesota Statute decreed that both parties were to share in the care and regulation of the building under the direction of the independent Municipal Building Commission, which continues to care, operate and preserve the building to this day.

When completed, the City Hall and Courthouse had more than enough room for government functions - a blacksmith shop, a horse stable, a wool brokerage, and a chicken hatchery rented the building’s excess space. After 1940, things started getting crowded and, despite major modifications, the only solution was a new building. Hennepin County moved most operations across the street into its new Government Center in 1975. Today, City departments occupy 60 percent of the building and the County and District Court occupy 40 percent.

City Hall and Courthouse from the northwest. The magnificent structure dwarfed surrounding buildings, such as the row houses to the west and across the block. It remained the tallest building in Minneapolis until the Foshay Tower’s construction in the 1920s.

The largest block of granite, weighing 23 tons, caps the archway to the basement access entry. All the building’s granite was brought from Ortonville, Minnesota.

Another celebrated feature of the City Hall and Courthouse is the carillon of 15 bells. When installed, they were heralded to be the nation’s most finely pitched bells, if not the world’s. They chime on the quarter hour and are played on all official holidays and other special occasions.

This artist’s sketch commemorates the cornerstone’s laying, one of three public celebrations during the building’s twenty years to construct.

Father of Waters, Mississippi (better known as the “Father of Waters”) has graced the rotunda since 1904. He weighs over 14,000 pounds and was sculpted from the largest marble block from Italy’s famed Carrara quarries.

Interior View of Clock Room and the original mechanism to rotate the clocks’ arms. It has long since been replaced with an automated system.

A view from inside the clock tower during clock-face installation.

Each clock face is 23 feet and six inches in diameter, four inches larger than Big Ben’s. A repairman leans out one of the clock’s access panels.

The original city council chambers, located on the third floor, was the building’s most elaborately decorated interior. Among its extraordinary features was a soaring ceiling with vaults reaching the fifth floor.

Inside the clock tower elevator circa 1955. The elevator continues to operate today, accommodating three to four people in a very small, confined area for the 13-story ride.

The attic of the City Hall and Courthouse before its completion.

The third floor’s original cathedral courtroom matched the city council chambers in its grandness. Designed in the British Arts and Craft style, the room reflected the building’s overall look with acanthus leaf motifs, coffered ceilings and large arches.

Forty-one grotesques are carved into the columns around the rotunda’s ground-floor elevators. Sculpted by Andrew Gewond, each four-inch figure has a different facial expression, ranging from a smile to a sneer. The Masonic Temple on Hennepin Avenue and Sixth Street has similar faces on its exterior.

A typical, early 20th-century office with a rug on the floor and paintings on the walls. Only the beautifully paneled doors remain today.

The clock tower’s southwest corner has a crow’s nest that was open to the public until just after World War I. More than 100,000 citizens annually made the trek up the circular iron staircase to experience a panoramic vista very few had ever seen in pre-skyscraper days. Aside from a panoramic 360-degree view, visitors were also delighted with this precarious look down to the street below.

A copper roof was installed over the original red-slate roof because the heavy tiles occasionally fell to the street during extreme temperature changes. A specially designed cart carried the steeplejacks up and down the steep pitch of the roof. The original roof can be seen today from inside the attic.

Návštevníci

Fun Facts

The building occupies an entire city block and has almost 900,000 gross square feet.

The outside dimensions are 305 feet, 9 inches on each side.

The center court is 129 feet, 6 inches on each side.

The center of the clock dial is 231 feet above the sidewalk.

The base of the tower’s flagstaff is 345 feet from the sidewalk.

The diameter of the clock dial measures 23 feet, 6 inches. The length of the minute hand is 14 feet.

Both towers extend to the limestone bedrock, 46 feet below the surface.

The building is constructed out of granite blocks, some weighing as much as 23-tons. The granite blocks were transported from Ortonville, Minnesota, which is about 160 miles away.

Limestone blocks were used as a foundation for the building and weigh up to 26 tons each.

The building was the first government building in America with floors supported independently of partitions.

The courtyard’s external and internal walls provide primary support and interior walls can be added or removed without affecting the building’s stability.

Twelve leading citizens and the Minneapolis Journal presented “The Father of Waters” statue to the City of Minneapolis in 1904. The cost of the statute was an estimated $40,000.

The Father of Waters would be more than 15 feet tall if standing. The statute and base together weigh over 14,000 pounds. Some people believe that rubbing his toe is good luck.

The building’s 15-bell chime is the only American made set that can play the “Star Spangled Banner” in the original key. Every hour, quarter, and half-hour you will hear the bells. The New York manufactured bells weigh from 300 to 7,300 pounds each -- over 14 tons total.


Northwestern National Bank, Minneapolis

Men in front of the Northwestern National Bank, ca. 1890. Photograph by Norton & Peel.

The Northwestern National Bank of Minneapolis opened its doors in 1872. During its long history, it survived locust plagues, economic panics, a major milling disaster, the turbulent times of the Great Depression, and a devastating fire. Acquisition of smaller banks and a growing list of services made it one of the top banking companies in the region. In 1929 it became a bank holding company organized as Northwestern Bancorporation (later Norwest Corporation). Norwest merged with Wells Fargo in 1998.

A group of Minneapolis businessmen met in April 1872 to create a new banking institution with $200,000 in capital. The board of directors of the new bank elected Dorilus Morrison, a successful flour miller with an interest in the Northern Pacific Railway, as its first president. The bank opened at 100 Washington Avenue South a few months later. Board member William Hood Dunwoody made the first deposit of $2,315.

Northwestern National Bank faced many trials in its first decade. The financial panic of 1873 forced many railroads into bankruptcy. Minnesota farmers lost crops to locust plagues in the mid-1870s. The Washburn A Mill explosion in 1878 impacted flour milling revenues. The bank lost one-fourth of its capital through wheat speculation by an assistant cashier. The bank, however, survived and continued to grow.

Minneapolis prospered during the 1880s. By 1887, the bank's capital had grown to more than $3.3 million. Needing more space, the bank moved to the Guaranty Loan Building (later the Metropolitan Building) in 1891. A second financial panic two years later caused five Minneapolis banks to fail, but Northwestern once again weathered the storm.

The early 1900s brought improvements to the bank. It started a women's department in 1901, enabling women to open their own bank accounts. In 1904, the bank moved to a new building at 411 Marquette Avenue and soon opened the first savings department in the city. Four years later, it began an affiliation with the Minnesota Loan and Trust Company and started to acquire smaller banks. By 1922, Northwestern National Bank offered city-wide banking services through a growing network of branch banks.

Just before the 1929 stock market crash, construction began on a new building located at Seventh Street and Marquette. The new headquarters, designed by Graham, Anderson, Probst, & White of Chicago, cost $6 million. Built of granite and marble, it stood sixteen stories tall and boasted 115 teller stations, a 318-foot banking lobby, and four vaults. The safe deposit vault featured 63.5-ton, nine-foot diameter door made of twenty-four-inch-thick drillproof and fireproof steel plates. An electric alarm system protected the vault's assets.

The Northwest Bancorporation (Banco) was organized in January 1929, and by year’s end had ninety-five banks in its holdings. When the bank moved to its new building in 1930, its deposits totaled $100,459,000. The new organization set goals to stabilize banking operations and provide the best possible standardized service to its customers. Banco strengthened its position through a formal merger with Minnesota Loan and Trust in 1934. Throughout the Great Depression, Banco managed its assets so successfully that not a single customer lost money.

The landmark seventy-eight-ton Weatherball sign appeared on the roof of the bank in 1949, shining out its first weather forecast on October 7. By 1957, twenty-one locations around the Twin Cities featured the trademark Weatherball signs. The Weatherball jingle helped people to remember the sign's color code:

When the Weatherball is glowing red,
Warmer weather's just ahead.
When the Weatherball is shining white,
Colder weather is in sight.
When the Weatherball is wearing green,
No weather changes are foreseen.
Colors blinking by night and day
Say precipitation's on the way
.

On Thanksgiving Day in 1982, arsonists started a fire in the vacant Donaldson's Department Store building. The fire quickly spread and consumed the bank building, with total damages estimated at more than $75 million. After demolition of the old bank in March 1984, the fifty-seven-story Norwest Center (later Wells Fargo Center) rose in its place. The Weatherball survived the blaze, but plans for its restoration at the state fairgrounds were dropped. In 1983 the bank changed its name to Norwest Corporation and stopped using the Weatherball logo.

In 1998 Norwest merged with Wells Fargo Corporation to become the country's sixth-largest banking company.


Minneapolis - History

OUR MISSION: Make Minneapolis the destination of choice for the next event or vacation

At Meet Minneapolis, our mission is to positively impact the economic and social prosperity of our Minneapolis community by attracting visitors, meetings and events that directly support jobs and local businesses, and generate critical revenues.

OUR WORK: Promoting Minneapolis and attracting visitors

By promoting all the remarkable features, assets and businesses across the city of Minneapolis, Meet Minneapolis brought over 700+ conventions, groups, sporting events and conferences to Minneapolis and the Minneapolis Convention Center in 2019. This important work significantly contributes to the 34.6 million visitors that come to the metro region each year.

OUR IMPACT: Visitors generate critical incremental tax revenue and support jobs

Visitors bring more than their luggage! Our work&mdashand that of our 700+ partner organizations&mdashhas a far greater purpose than merely bringing visitors to Minneapolis and the region. What we do impacts our community in critical, meaningful and unexpected ways–from the millions of dollars in additional tax revenue that’s generated by visitor spending&mdashto supporting more than 36,000 tourism and hospitality jobs in Minneapolis.

OUR PURPOSE: Supporting our high-quality of life in Minneapolis

Bottom-line, tourism isn’t just about attracting people to visit Minneapolis&mdashit’s about supporting all the things we love about living here and supporting the high-quality of life we want for our city&mdashtoday and in the future.

OUR RESULT: How we measure success

Meet Minneapolis tracks multiple indicators to evaluate the health of the tourism economy and our various programs, including additional industry research. The organization’s performance is evaluated based on the following four 2020 key performance indicators (KPIs):

  • Group Hotel Room Nights
  • Minneapolis Convention Center Revenue
  • Partnership Retention and Growth
  • Lodging Tax Revenue

A local archivist offers a guided tour through Minneapolis gay history

The nonprofit, which organizes summer walking and biking tours of historic Minneapolis neighborhoods, turned to Stewart Van Cleve to lead the first-time excursion.

Van Cleve is the author of “10,000 Loves: A History of Queer Minnesota” (University of Minnesota Press, 2012) and the creator of the just-debuted YesterQueer. The free app — a portable, design-your-own guided tour — is available on IOS and Android devices.

We talked with Van Cleve, who works in library and information sciences for the Metropolitan Council, about the challenges of chronicling lesbian, gay bisexual and transgender (LGBT) history, the gay side of the long-demolished Gateway District and how the city has reinvented itself.

Q: Are you basing the tour from material in “Land of 10,000 Loves”?

A: It’s funny, even though I’ve been studying and writing about this for years, I still find out these amazing tidbits of information. It’s an ongoing puzzle.

I just found out the other day about a restaurant named Richards Treat [in downtown Minneapolis, from 1924 to 1957]. It was owned by two women. They were business partners, and they lived together. You can’t tell if the relationship was sexual, but reading their letters, it’s so intimate, and it’s pretty clear to me that they were a couple.

But when you read about Richards Treat, that relationship is barely mentioned. People are still uncomfortable about queer history. Do you need absolute evidence? Or is that even the point? Does it make Richards Treat a site of historical interest for the LGBT community? I’d say yes.

Q: You published your first book two years ago, when you were just 24 years old. What’s the story behind that?

A: I was working as the assistant curator for the Tretter Collection in GLBT Studies at the University of Minnesota. Jean Tretter had collected thousands and thousands of items related to queer history, but he’s not necessarily an organizer. That’s where I came in.

I started working there when I was 19, and all of this stuff was completely new to me, even very recent history. The book is really a reflection of the organizational system of the Tretter Collection. That’s what you do in an archive, you give people a sense of what it is, and then let them do their research.

Q: Have you had much experience leading tours?

A: Not like this, no. I used to guide tours through Andersen Library, and the Tretter Collection, but that’s small, it’s one room. And I also have my poor friends, who have to listen to me natter on and on.

The tour is exciting for me, because I keep trying to inform people about this history in as many ways as I possibly can. It’s going to be fun because I usually don’t get to see or even talk with readers. I’m picturing myself walking backwards and saying, “And we’re walking, we’re walking, we’re walking.”

Q: What’s going to be the tour’s focus?

A: I’m trying to make it half-and-half, a mix of the familiar with the long-, long-, long-gone, the places that most people wouldn’t know about.

Q: Can you give me an example of a lost landmark?

A: One of the most exciting places is at 3rd and Hennepin, it’s now the site of the Central Library. But it used to be the location of the Onyx Bar.

I know about it because Chuck Rowland — who was later a founder of the Mattachine Society [arguably the country’s first gay rights organization] — talked about it in an early oral history interview.

He said that it was around in the 1930s, and it was a place where men could meet other men. They would wear suits — electric green suits — and lots of jewelry, all of these coded references. I would have loved to have seen that.

I kind of doubt that the Onyx was called a gay bar at the time. That’s a mystery. It showed that people had a lot of dignity, even though they were relegated to these substandard places. It was apparently a total dump, like most of the places in the Gateway. But they were the only places that would knowingly and willingly accept this clientele, because they had nothing else to lose.

Q: Why the emphasis on the Gateway District?

A: The Gateway had this general atmosphere of permissiveness. It was run down and worn out, there was tons of alcohol sold, it had this carnivalesque atmosphere. It was difficult to tell who was straight and who was gay, and maybe that’s one of the reasons why the Gateway made respectable people uncomfortable, and why they were embarrassed by it. The lines were blurred there, the rules didn’t apply.

It’s fascinating, because the city changes so dramatically all the time, it’s always willfully shedding its old self. When the Gateway was demolished, all the gay bars — places like the Gay 90’s, and the Brass Rail — remained as close to the border of the old neighborhood as possible.

I was also looking at the slums because the police paid more attention to the slums, and the police kept good records. Crime is a more tangible way to find queer history, through arrest records. That’s why the Gateway is so helpful, because there are so many arrest records.

Q: This is a walking tour, right?

A: Áno. We’ll start at the flagpole in Gateway Park, and we’ll weave down Nicollet and Hennepin and 1st Avenue through the old Gateway District, and point out these places that are long gone, more than 60 years. Basically it’s places that no one knows about, places that took me years to find. Then we’ll walk down 4th Street to City Hall.

A: Because of Brian Coyle [the city’s first openly gay City Council member]. And because Jack Baker and Michael McConnell applied for a marriage license there in 1970.

It’s a good place to end things. So much of LGBT history is intangible. It’s gone, or it was secret, so it’s nice to be able to celebrate it in the physical world.

PRESERVE MINNEAPOLIS QUEER HISTORY TOUR

Where: 1st St. and Hennepin Av. S., Mpls.

Tickets: $8 per person, www.preserveminneapolis.org/wpfile/tours/june-tours/

Rick Nelson joined the staff of the Star Tribune in 1998 and is the newspaper's restaurant critic. He is a Twin Cities native, a University of Minnesota graduate and a James Beard Award winner.


‘We’re Sick and Tired’: Voices From Minneapolis Protests

The death of George Floyd at the hands of the police set off days of protests in Minneapolis. Demonstrators challenged a curfew on Saturday and took to the streets for the fifth day in a row. Here’s why.

“We are having peaceful speeches, we have a reverend —” Protesters gathered outside in Minneapolis on Saturday, for the fifth day in a row. This group was demonstrating outside the city’s Fifth Police Precinct. “I can’t stand the fact that some people in our society can’t walk around without feeling scared that a cop is not going to come to them with a death sentence.” Just after 8 p.m., police came out to enforce the city’s curfew. “You are in violation of Minneapolis city curfew ordinance.” They began firing pepper spray and tear gas to disperse the group. [screams] “I swear to God! I swear to [expletive] God —” Protesters here told us why they were out on the streets. “Honestly, the world is watching the United States, and more specifically Minneapolis itself, to see how we’re going to react and get justice for Mr. Floyd. And for me, being out here is a huge thing.” “The Minneapolis Police Department is notorious for their racism here. Black men are about 13 times more likely to be killed by cops than white men in the city. And I think that people just finally had enough.” “They tortured him, right? What else is there to do but get their attention?” Since George Floyd’s death, peaceful protests have mixed with looting and rioting at night. Most protesters we spoke with oppose the violence, but many said they understood the frustration and anger people are feeling. “No justice, no peace! No justice, no peace!” “We are here for justice for George. We’re sick and tired of being abused and oppressed by the police. They’ve been doing that [expletive] for years and years.” “Man, we’ve got to come together as a people, as a one. This racism’s been going on for too long.” “All four hundred years or more.” “Too long.” “All this [expletive] can be replaced. The body cannot be replaced.” “The body can never be replaced.” “I don’t want to see businesses burned down. But, I mean, we’re in kind of a war zone out here. And so, that’s kind of, I think, the least of our worries in a lot of ways.” “Bring him, bring him, bring him one block. Bring him one block to a medic.” “What happened? Someone hit him with a bat?” “You’ve got to calm down. We’re on the same team.” “You’ve got to calm down.” “Calm down — what happened, what happened? We’ve got about 12 medics here. We’re going to do the best we can. We’ve got a combat medic here, OK? But we’ve got to dial it down —” “We’ve got to keep it down.” “— because they’re looking for any reason to kill us.” One protester described the violence that broke out after she confronted a group of rioters in the neighborhood. “There was a group of guys who started screaming at the police, throwing things. I asked them, ‘Who are you? Who are you to come in here and do this?’ They ran up on me with big steel pipes. They got in my face. And one guy came at me, holding the pipe, and he stepped in, and he took it.” “You’re going to be all right —” “What message are we sending by destroying what is ours? How does that, how does that get the message out about how we need change in our city if all we’re doing is destroying it and burning it down?”

“We were friends,” she said. “We played on the playground, we went to each other’s houses. I realized that we weren’t any different, and they accepted us.”

The demonstrations ripping through her city have been an awakening for her, she said, and a realization that Minneapolis has stalled in its progress.

“Throughout my whole life I’ve considered myself not a racist and considered myself somebody who appreciates the diversity,” she said. “But I’m realizing that that is hardly enough. It’s time to get uncomfortable, it’s time to listen.”

White liberal residents of Minneapolis point to policy changes that have been praised for their progressivism. A measure in 2018 eliminated single-family zoning, long believed to have perpetuated segregation. Lawmakers voted to raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour in 2017, the first major Midwestern city to do so, and mandated sick leave for workers.

Yet a shift in influence and representation has been slow coming. In 2018, Minnesotans elected Representative Ilhan Omar, a Somali-American and Muslim who is the first woman of color to serve the state in Congress. And disparities in employment, poverty and education between people of color and white residents are among the worst in the nation.

“The Twin Cities pride themselves in being diverse,” said Maddie Hankard, a 24-year-old environmental engineer who is white, as she stood outside buildings damaged during Saturday’s protests. “But there’s been a whole generation not respecting communities of color.”

For Gus Cole, who is originally from Liberia but has been in Minneapolis for 13 years, being married to a white woman reminds him of both the promise and problems with his city.

He finds it to be a place where people embrace friendships across racial lines. His friends in other states usually stick with other black people, he said. But his friends in Minneapolis are black, white, Asian and Mexican, he said.

“People get along here,” he said.

At the same time, he said, when he is with his wife in the car and they get pulled over by the police, he views her with a degree of envy.

“I want to have that same feeling to how she feels,” he said. “She’s not scared. Her voice doesn’t shake. She speaks to the cop how she wants to speak to the cop. But me, I’m so afraid. I want to get pulled over and not think that I’m going to die.”

Bodunrin Banwo, a 38-year-old educator who is black, stood at the back of a crowded protest on Saturday afternoon, struggling to hear what speakers were saying through a weak megaphone.

He said Minneapolis was a pleasant place. He said he felt comfortable going on regular walks in his neighborhood, something he had not always felt when he lived in Baltimore.

To Mr. Banwo, Minneapolis is the sort of place that might set aside formal protest spaces with sound systems to accommodate crowds. Its elected officials are often participants in demonstrations.

But what has unfolded in the last week is something entirely different, he said, a wake-up call for the elected leaders.

“I don’t know if they really understand the seriousness of what has to change,” he said.

John Eligon reported from Minneapolis and Julie Bosman from Chicago. Matt Furber and Eric Killelea contributed reporting from Minneapolis.


Pozri si video: Mall of America - Bloomington, Minnesota USA 5K Ultra HD 30fps. May 2021 (August 2022).